The Hegemony of Public Service Practices in the Perspective of Power Dualism of Traditional Villages and Government Villages

awig-awig


A B S T R A C T
In Bali, they there know the terms government village and traditional village.In the government village, there are hamlets and neighbourhood heads, the top leader, Perbekel.Traditional villages consist of Banjar, and each has a kelian.The top leader is called the bendesa.Traditional villages have their courts called kerta desa and various regulations, including awig-awig as the basic law, perarem as law, and other regulations.There is a village police called Pecalang to enforce the rules.This dualism often raises the question of how Bali maintains the village's existence in the tendency of increasingly narrow distances, spaces, and boundaries of assimilation between humans, which must be sorted based on the status of traditional krama, krama tamiu, and tamiu.This paper describes the shackles of public services on the dualism axis of power in traditional and government villages.The shackles referred to in this paper illustrate how strong the policy dominance between the traditional and government villages is and the hegemony of public service access policies below the implementation level.The dualism of power, which both have the authority to determine and regulate the society within their sphere of power.The dualism of interests towards the same object in different ways in carrying out service tasks to the community.In the end, it impacts the mechanism of country and community relations between government villages and traditional villages.The public service mechanism with the dualism of power in Bali is unique and attracts readers' attention, especially those outside Bali.

INTRODUCTION
The chaotic practice of public service is inseparable from the failure of the government's role above it to create a clean government and good governance paradigm.The government's desire to create a government structure guarantees there will be no distortion of aspirations originating from the people and avoids abuse of power and authority cannot be carried out properly (Nyttingnes et al., 2021;Rukmawati et al., 2018).Likewise, the government's dream that requires a working mechanism and government activities oriented towards realizing social justice evaporated in the middle of the road.In this regard, the government ultimately failed to carry out its basic functions: service, regulation, and empowerment as a form of providing services to the community as quickly, closely, and accurately as possible (Scheiring et al., 2020;Yulianti, 2014).These basic functions still need to be solved, especially in matters of state and community relations, especially in Bali, which implements a dual authority system, the authority of the Traditional Village and the Government Village.Only in Bali are the terms Desa Dinas and Desa Adat known.Public services in Bali are organized through the dualism of legitimate government power, the Desa Dinas and Desa Adat administrations (Agustina, 2021;Mahayoni et al., 2021).The existence of these two institutions has survived to this day and coexist.However, it is common for conflicts at the lower levels of government to occur, which are not merely conflicts of political and economic interests.However, it is often triggered by confusion regarding the regulation of broad control and the administrative scope of each territory.It impacts the hegemony of access to public services for both traditional village society and residents of the government village society.
The power to determine the direction of public service policy exists at every level of bureaucratic position, from the top to the lowest level (provincial, district, sub-district, government village, traditional village to the lowest level) (Herizal et al., 2020).This fact has made it difficult for the government and the DPR to regulate villages.Village arrangements by the government, which are carried out uniformly as they have so far, have invited cynicism in the village community, especially in Bali.That is one of the reasons why in Bali, it is impossible to regulate villages equally.Access to public services, especially regarding the rights and obligations of krama adat, krama tamiu, and tamiu, varies greatly according to the awig-awig and pararem Banjar in each traditional village.Its influence was even more powerful than that of the Service village.It is not surprising that in Bali, there is an institutional dualism that is equally strong at the village level, the government village, and the traditional village.This uniqueness then mentions the government village in Bali, of course, raises questions for people outside Bali, why should there be two forms of village government?How can access public services from two different institutions provide comfortable services to the community?How is the government village different from other villages outside Bali?The next question is, what is the position of the government village, which has long coexisted with traditional villages in terms of providing access to public services?It triggers the writer's interest in finding out about the Hegemony of Public Service Practices: the perspective of the dualism of power in the Traditional Village and the government Village.
The existence of the village in Bali began with the arrival of a Maha Rsi from India named Rsi Markandya to Java on the Damalung hill in the Dieng mountains (Central Java), but not long after moving to the area of East Java and establishing a pasraman on Mount Raung (giri rawang).Then Rsi continued his journey to the east by crossing the ocean to an island (now the island of Bali), followed by around 8000 followers.But his arrival failed because many of his followers died or were sick, so the Rsi departed again for Java.Then for the second time, he came again to Bali.His second visit was based on instructions from the results.He meditated and got a pawisik that to enter the area (Bali), one must plant five kinds of metal (panca datu) around the Tohlangkir hill on the slopes of Mount Agung.The area is named Basukian, or is now estimated to be in Besakih.He built a temple called the Penulisan Temple.On his journey, he settled in Sarwada (all-purpose), now known as Taro Village, and built a temple called Gunung Raung Temple.It is said that Mount Raung in Java can be seen from there (Taro village).He built a pasowakan in the village of Puwakan, where the village was led by a village head or also called Bendesa.While those related to agriculture are called subak (irrigation), headed by kelian subak (pekaseh), and the settlements are called pakraman, banua or desa.
Thus it is estimated that the first village in Bali is "Taro Village".At that time, there was chaos in Bali due to the actions of a king named Maya Danawa.Since the arrival of Empu Kuturan, Maya Danawa was defeated.However, there was still conflict between groups, so on the initiative of Empu Kuturan, he gathered the nine vedantas (Pasupatya, Bhairawa, Wesnawa, Bodha/sogatha, Rsi, Brahma, Sora, Siwa sidhanta, Ganapatya ) into three groups which were carried out in a place that we now know as Samuan Tiga (a meeting of three groups).These three groups look for similarities and believe in Tri Murti's existence (Brahma, Vishnu, Shiva).So that it was agreed that all villages have three kahyangan (Pura Puseh, Pura Desa, and Pura Dalem).However, some villages do not have a triple kahyangan like an old village.From the assembly, 5 (five) agreements were reached: 1. Believing in Tri Murti 2. That every International Journal of Social Science and Business, Vol. 6, No. 4, 2022, pp. 613-620  With the influence of Majapahit (Gajah Mada) on Bali, a deputy king was placed in the village (perbekel) to supervise the administration at the lower levels.Including the deputy king (perbekel and pungawa) in the village has led to village dualism in Bali.The village is an independent (autonomous) village and village in the sense of implementing royal power.Until the fall of Bali into the hands of the Dutch in 1906, indigenous peoples in Bali still existed.It was just that it was for the political interests of the Dutch East Indies government to regulate the village by placing a government representative to able to supervise or carry out government functions.The steps taken by the Dutch East Indies government at that time were to place bekels appointed by the government, make clear village boundaries, and establish village-level administration.It seems that the Dutch East Indies government entered Bali to continue using Perbekel as the representative of the Dutch East Indies Government to build administrative institutions at the village level and create new villages.This condition gave rise to 2 (two) categories of villages, old villages and new villages, both known as traditional villages and government villages.The Dutch East Indies government looked at these two villages separately, as if the traditional village was not touched or influenced by the government but was independent with its laws.Village arrangements in Bali have been carried out since the arrival of the colonialists in Bali.In the post-war history of Puputan Badung and Puputan Klungkung, the Dutch colonial government began to organize villages in Bali.Several small villages were merged into one, while large villages were split into several villages.So as a result, there are two types of villages in Bali: traditional villages, which existed before the arrangement, and new villages formed by the Dutch.The existing traditional villages are known as traditional villages, while the new villages formed by the Dutch are known as government villages.The traditional village takes care of Balinese customs and Hinduism in its territory.The government village takes care of the interests of the Dutch colonial government.
Although it is believed that there is no term state within a state in the concept of a unitary state, everything must be uniform as specified in the laws and regulations.All authority comes from the central government based on the principle of decentralization.Some government affairs are handed over to the regional government to be regulated and managed independently (autonomy).However, the traditional village is related to the government system.It remains outside the formal government structure so that the traditional village does not have a hierarchical relationship with the provincial, district, or city governments.Constitutionally, traditional villages are still recognized as long as they exist, as stipulated in Article 18B paragraph 2 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.Suppose a traditional village merges with a government village.In that case, it is believed that it will cause new problems because it will be difficult to accommodate the interests of indigenous peoples that have been passed down from generation to generation related to social-religious functions.Thus the context of the dualism of power between government villages and traditional villages is getting stronger.It is constitutionally contrary to Article 18B paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia.In my opinion, the most appropriate form of the village in Bali is to place the two forms of traditional village and service village in the actual portion according to their respective functions without any intervention from both parties, even though the members of the community are the same, on the one hand, he is a member of the indigenous community.
On the other hand, he is also a member of the service community.Even though a government program is implemented in a village involving community members, this does not mean one village is above the other villages.However, rather it is the coordination and participation of indigenous peoples in supporting government programs to improve community welfare, as mentioned above.that the traditional village in the government system remains outside the formal government structure so that the village does not have a hierarchical relationship with the provincial, district or city governments.

METHODS
This study uses the literature review method to conduct a series of studies involving various information from the literature, such as books, encyclopedias, documents, and so on, to find various kinds of theories and ideas which can then be formulated following the research objectives.This study's literature review was conducted to obtain conclusions regarding public services on the axis of the dualism of power in traditional and government villages.Hegemony dualism of power has implications for the decline in the quality of public services.On the other hand, according to the concept of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia, the existence of government villages in Bali is very much needed, especially in its function as an organizer of government functions and administrative services at the village level (administrative function) (Heath et al., 2021;Johnsen et al., 2020).It is very difficult to go back to the past century by placing a form of the village that is autonomous by merging the government village into the traditional village, considering the diversity of Balinese society in changing times, as well as changes in the behavior patterns of people's lives that are already very different.The introduction of the concept of autonomy since the Dutch East Indies government era is reminiscent of the term for a small country with territory and population and the right to regulate and manage its government affairs.It is what we now know in Bali with the term desa adat, which has the same meaning as desa pakraman.Even though the term traditional village is still widely used by the community, technically, the correct juridical is Pakraman village.The existence of a traditional village or pakraman as a paguyuban or social group that acts as a unit with a fixed and eternal structure, and the people in it live life as something natural according to the nature of nature, and none of them has thoughts of disbanding the group.There is unique from the territory of the Traditional Village in Bali.Let's say that the wewidangan (administrative area) sometimes crosses the boundaries of the regency area, or in Balinese terms, it is often termed "saling seluk", meaning that it is very difficult to determine the boundaries of the public service area about the administrative area of the government village.The government village also has the authority to regulate matters of a state administration.At the same time, the traditional village refers more to matters of a religious and cultural nature which are also very closely related to access to public services

Results
Traditional Villages carry out their governmental affairs based on the Village Law, village Awig-Awig or village pararem.This legal basis is stated in Article 1 number 4 of Regional Regulation Number 3 of 2001 concerning Pakraman Village, which states explicitly that Pakraman Village is "The unity of the traditional law community of the Province of Bali which has a unity of traditions and manners for the social life of the Hindu community from generation to generation in bonds Kahyangan Tiga/Kahyangan Desa, (village temple, puseh temple, and dalem temple), also has a certain territory, its assets and has the right to manage its household.Law Number 6 of 2014 concerning Villages, as regulated in Article 6, states that; (1) Villages consist of villages and traditional villages, (2) The designation of traditional villages or villages, as referred to in paragraph (1), is adjusted to the designation that applies in the local area.The order of life of dualism of power like this has been going on for a long time and is side by side.Decision makers are very aware that this creates overlapping roles in providing services to the community even though in the elucidation of Article 6 of Law Number 6 of 2014, "to avoid overlapping between traditional villages and government villages in one area one must choose one type of village following the provisions of the Act.The law's order in Bali has sparked conflict among observers about the village.There was a difference of opinion between choosing a traditional village or a government village.There is a discourse that wants traditional villages (now Pakraman villages) to merge into government villages, while on the other hand, they want government villages to merge into traditional villages.In the end, until now, the two discourses are only discourses because the two institutions are still standing strong and are still recognized by the government.
Murjana Yasa, an academic and population observer, said there is no need for the dualism of authority because each service and traditional village has an authority regulated by law.For example, regarding immigrant populations regarding data collection on non-permanent residents, the role of the Permendagri government village has been regulated.In contrast, according to their authority, traditional villages regulate residents in their traditional village areas.Following the Regional regulation on traditional villages, residents or krama are distinguished between uwed, krama tamiu, and tamiu.The arrangement of manners is the authority of the traditional village according to the area.Currently, there are 1,473 traditional villages in Bali, complete with elements of the apparatus, consisting of traditional chieftains, bendesa representatives, and kelian adat, who heads the traditional village.Each Traditional village has a secretary (penyarikan) and a pethengen (treasurer).In religious activities, there are three bages (sections) related to the preservation of perahyangan, Palemahan, and Pawongan.Under bage (section), there are groups, such as pecalang (traditional village police/pakraman), sekee gong (art group), sekee santi (holy book readers), and truna-truni (youth group).Bage/parahyangan section is a section that specifically handles the field of religious events.Palemahan/authority/territorial field is the part that takes care of the environment so that it remains beautiful.The pawongan section is the area that takes care of the community, people, or community members so that they continue to behave correctly.The Palemahan section deals with the relationship between humans and nature.
The number of government villages in Bali is 700 villages.The implementation of their duties refers to the government regulations above them.According to article 1 number 43 of Law no.23, 2014, the government village, as the smallest government at the lurah/perbekel level, has the legal authority to regulate and manage the population.The government village consists of the village head (perbekel), village secretary, head of affairs (kaur), the head of government, the head of village community empowerment, the head of education and health, the head of peace and order (trantib), and the village treasurer.Theoretically, it has been regulated that the government village is a bureaucratic representative of the state, which regulates and takes care of government administration and development issues at the village level.At the same time, traditional villages care for customs and control the government village government, including controlling traditional land use from state intervention.This dualistic scheme of authority is very interesting to study.Some things are different from the Trias Politica doctrine, village power in Bali is separated according to government lines and development, which is the domain of desa disasa.At the same time, social affairs are the domain of the Traditional Village.The traditional village becomes a local community organization that becomes the identity, basis of autonomy, and control over the government village government.In contrast to the density of adat Nagari in West Sumatra, for example, which are integrated and participate in "controlling" the Nagari government.Traditional villages in Bali have autonomous domains and participate in "influence" or "control" the state.In terms of public services relating to the regulation of immigrant populations, traditional villages refer to awig-awig or pararem, which contain provisions that every arrangement of population legality has a financial obligation that members of the community must carry out.Meanwhile, population administration services organized by government villages follow Law no. 24, 2013 concerning Population Administration, which confirms that every access to population services is not permitted to be charged (free of charge).The orders of this law carry the consequence that every government and officer in the village/kelurahan, sub-district, UPT, and implementing agencies who order and facilitate and charge fees to residents in the management and issuance of population documents as referred to in Article 79A, be punished with a maximum imprisonment of six years and a maximum fine of Rp. 75,000,000.00.
The presence of Law No. 24, 2013, gave birth to overlapping public service mechanisms among the people in Bali.Why can't public services without cost or free of charge have not been enjoyed until now by migrant community members in Bali? / 2006 concerning the results of the Bali MDP Great Assembly I, regarding managing krama tamiu and tamiu based on their activities in pakraman village.As stated by Dewa Putu Surya Dharma, one of the Keliaan Banjar Adat in the city of Denpasar, when questioned, said that an overlapping system has been in place regarding the service of the identity of migrants at the Pakraman village level at this time.The resident identity card is a self-report letter (STLD), valid for three months, and must be renewed every three months for a fee or not free.The rules are clear, following the Decree of Manggala Parum Bendesa Pakraman Village, Denpasar City, regarding the standardization of the imposition of community solidarity funds for migrant residents in Denpasar City.However, if they apply for KTP according to applicable regulations from the government, they are free of charge or free of charge.There is an intention to deconstruct the part of the traditional village so that consistent rules are maintained in dealing with migrants.It is important because it is recognized that overlapping regulations cause discomfort and disharmony in the field (Bernauer et al., 2021).Pakraman village policies contradict the provisions that apply in the government village.Based on existing provisions, the traditional village still collects fees based on its authority to carry out and apply its own rules contained in its awig-awig or parareman.
Another informant said something similar to the views of the previous informant.He emphatically said that Bendesa adat or Kelian Banjar, based on the awig-awig/pararem/decision, was declared authorized to issue a self-report letter (ilikita krama) to the new krama tamiu, and tamiu come and live permanently or temporarily, but do not enter the local Krama Adat Pakraman Village.It is mandatory by law to have proof of the certainty of temporary residence within the scope or jurisdiction of the Traditional Village.Ironically, the source of service policy is not only experiencing differences between government villages and traditional villages, but also dualism of power between traditional villages and other villages within the scope of cities/districts in Bali.For example, between the traditional village of Denpasar and the traditional village of Padangsambian.The government village residents are divided into two traditional village jurisdictions in these two adat villages.The hegemony of the community members can be explored because it is unique.Several residents live in an administrative area of Tegal Harum Village but have a different kind of traditional village.Pakraman villages sometimes coincide with the government village area itself.A Kelian Adat in West Denpasar told me the village where I live has eight Banjars, Banjar Tegal Sari, Banjar Sapta Bumi, Banjar Buana Merta, Banjar Sanga Agung, Banjar Cemara Agung, Banjar Buana Kubu, Banjar Sari Buana, and Banjar Asta Buana.However, of the eight banjars, the community, who are Hindus, are divided into two traditional powers, the Denpasar Pakraman Village and the Padangsambian Pakraman Village.So in traditional affairs, there are residents subject to the authority of the Padangsambian adat, while others must submit to the awig from the traditional village of Denpasar.Banjar Sari Buana is included in the traditional territory of Denpasar Traditional Village.For government affairs, we still go to the Tegal Harum Village Headman's office, while for traditional matters, we must submit to the pararem of the Denpasar Pakraman Village.
The dualism of power between government villages and traditional villages increasingly illustrates that the community members are hegemony by different powers.Citizens must submit to two powers overlapping, especially in obtaining access to public services.The village of Tegal Harum does experience a dualism of power between the government village and the traditional village and a dualism of power between the Denpasar Traditional Village and the Padangsambian Traditional Village.Residents of Tegal Harum Village, who are Hindus, are also divided into different service areas for traditional villages.It turns out that the two traditional villages also have different or non-uniform results from the banjar pakraman level.Awig-Awig is interpreted as a rule made by Krama Desa adat, which is used as a guideline for implementing controlling migrant populations following Mawacara Village and Dharma Religion.This hegemony is a reality that "there is a tradition that has been mutually agreed upon by all traditional villages or villages in Denpasar City that every resident outside Bali who has the desire to live in the area must comply with predetermined rules.If the resident is unwilling to comply with the rules, the officer will not allow the submission of an identity card application as a resident in the local village."In this case, KTP is already valid nationally.You can imagine the pressure that must be faced, both by traditional institutions, services, and migrant residents, to equalize perceptions between policies on traditional villages and government villages, even between policies on traditional villages and other traditional villages.When the author met directly with the Head of the Tegal Harum Village (Perbekel) (Mr. Wayan Sunarta, S.Sos.) regarding population management, especially migrant residents, it was explained that the authority of pakraman village and village service in managing and handling residents, both krama tamiu and tamiu according to the authority referred to in their respective regulations.The government village refers to Law no.23, 2014, concerning Regional Government and Law no. 24, 2013, concerning Population Administration, while traditional villages are guided by their awig-awig or perareman.
It turns out that the enforcement of overlapping regulations is felt by many parties, especially concerns about the collection of punia funds collected by the adat banjar administrators, not from the government village.Later the funds will be used to maintain security from disaster (pengaggran Kapancabayan).Apart from that, it is also used to purify nature (parisuda bumi) to protect the environment of traditional villages."This tradition is practiced differently from the population administration laws imposed by the government.On the one hand, it is free from service fees, while on the other, it requires service fees.There is not an inch of government land in Bali that the Traditional Village does not control.As a destination for migrant residents, the Traditional Village is responsible for carrying out protection (jaga baya) and performing purification rituals to maintain the balance/harmony of nature with humans.This tradition has been carried out from time to time, and this ritual is believed to be Bali's stronghold of security, which has proven to show its stability as a guardian of tradition.The existence of traditional village leadership is more feared than in government villages.Under these conditions, the traditional village governance mechanism related to service and control, as well as controlling the number of immigrants, is felt to be unique.It creates quite deep barriers among community members.Implementing public services in the dualism of power seems to make public services less than optimal.It is not uncommon for service providers to encounter coordination problems between existing institutions.The position of authority of a Perbekel and his staff often clashes with the authority of a traditional chief of the village and his staff.For migrant residents, this condition has resulted in a lack of discipline for them to report themselves as a condition for obtaining a temporary residence identity card.
The dualism of power shows the increasingly established establishment of authority and power, which are equally strong.Traditional village power at the lowest level (kelian banjar adat) as the most decisive spearhead with a weapon called awig-awig or traditional village pararem has a very broad area of authority (wewidangan).The sacred sentence (there is not even an inch of land in Bali that is not controlled by a traditional village and escapes the supervision of a traditional village) strengthens the increasingly established position of dual authority.In another section, the lowest element (the head of the environment) is also the spearhead of the government village.The head of the environment is the position closest to the community at the grassroots level.It is directly involved in the service process in the lowest scope apart from the customary oversight.Both parties have almost the same authority and responsibility in supervising each time a new occupant arrives in their territory.Public service practices indeed blow from below.It starts from the head of the Banjar, the head of the environment, the head of the traditional banjar and continues to the head of the traditional village.If it is the same on a government basis, report first to the head of the service and then go to the Head of Traditional Affairs.If one observes how long the bureaucratic chain is in the form of stages and processes to get a public service.Reflecting the length of the bureaucratic process, the winding road is filled with inefficient, non-transparent, and unaccountable circuits.The lengthy stages of the bureaucracy in the dualism of power often raise suspicions of irregularities that end in actions that cannot be accounted for by governments.This condition also allows actors to play by using power capital as a basis for consensus.An agreement relationship is covered by the power and knowledge possessed by service decision-making actors.It leads to fulfilling power and economic interests as a means of resolution.
An informant who did not wish to be identified because he was also a former Village office employee tried to deny the occurrence of this condition.However, in principle, recognizing that "the basis of authority for the orderly implementation of population administration stems from the existence of a Joint Agreement between the Governor of Bali and Regents/Mayors throughout Bali Number 153, Year 2003.There is a stipulation that bendesa pakraman is given the authority to carry out guidance and supervision/control over the presence of immigrant populations in their respective territories.According to him, these two institutions each have legal authority.Although they are often inconsistent and contradictory, solutions must still be found so that the limits of their authority are clear.The government's efforts to eliminate the dualism of power by uniting the two institutions (customs and services) take work.The existence of Pakraman Village and its traditional rights are recognized and respected by the state.The domination of Pakraman Village manifests itself as a social organization and, at the same time, is a government organization that stands alone in the sub-district area.The power and authority of desa pakraman to regulate the problems of migrant residents in its territory originates from desa pakraman autonomy which is recognized and respected by the constitution of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia through Article 18B paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution still expected to impact the area or territory occupied positively (Bisri et al., 2019;Dewi et al., 2022).Awareness of immigrants to report their whereabouts so they can be recorded as immigrants (Musdalipa et al., 2017;Widianti, 2019).Every resident who wishes to live permanently or temporarily, but does not enter as a permanent resident, must still report to the Kelian Banjar, not to the Kelian Dinas, because the one who issued the certificate of selfreport was Bendesa Adat.The identity card in question will be issued if the person concerned has completed other supporting documents.
On the other hand, the government village will always have an obligation to monitor and record the population.However, some rules make it clear that migrants must report themselves to the Traditional Village, not the government village.Desa Pakraman has the authority to issue Migrant Resident Identity Cards (KIPP) as the basis for managing population data and administratively has the authority to handle population issues.Bali Province Regional Regulation Number 3, 2003, concerning Amendments to Bali Provincial Regulation No. 3, 2001 on Pakraman Village, as if interpreted as a breath of fresh air for this dualistic life of power.This regional regulation gives authority to the Pakraman Village Madya Council to deliberate on various matters relating to custom and religion for the benefit of Pakraman Village, following the decision of the Bali Pakraman Village Main Assembly Number 050/Kep/Psm-1/MDP Bali/III/2006.The public service mechanism in the dualism of power is quite ironic for the community because citizens must deal simultaneously with two different institutions and submit to the policies and powers exercised by each of these institutions.The dualism of power indicates a shift in public service values towards the interests of each actor holding authority by using symbols of authority in each position, especially in terms of political and economic interests.The approach to power has implications for deepening the gap between what should be and what is actually.There is a pathology of public service, especially from the concept of service in Bali, "to serve is an obligation," according to the spirit of public service for the government of Denpasary.

CONCLUSION
Hegemony has been proven to build public service practices in a dualism of power that marginalizes public interests (community immigrants).Services are developed based on agents and clients, indicating that immigrants need services and bureaucratic assistance.The government, as an agent, develops independent services and creates dependency for immigrants in their affairs as citizens.Immigrants or the community are considered followers in every policy.The community is considered obedient, always accepting any bureaucratic activity, even though sometimes the government carries out activities that are not always beneficial to the community.These efforts become part of the social pathology that is felt by the community.The practice of public service in dualism is laden with the political interests of power and the economy.Symbolic and economic capital dominate public service practices.Government power and knowledge, both government and traditional, through the products of their power, determine what is seen, both morally and intellectually, in the implementation of public service policies.It can be seen from public services practice at the village level, which is full of and related to the interests of power and the economy.This empirical phenomenon strengthens the position of the theory of Bhakti Denpasar College, Denpasar, Indonesia

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Nengah Merta / The Hegemony of Public Service Practices in the Perspective of Power Dualism of Traditional Villages and Government Villages village has a Kahyangan Tiga 3. Every family has a sanggah/Merajan 4. Every village has village land 5.The religion adopted is Ciwa-Buddha.